The consultations were limited to the Number One ambassador of which of the Council’s 15 members. They came out, and after a half hour lull, voted on the draft resolution without amendments. Russia vetoed, as did China.

US Ambassador Susan Rice called it “disgusting” and UK Ambassador Mark Lyall Grant was “appall[ed].”

Afterward, Inner City Press asked first Moroccan Ambassador Loulichki, then Rice, Lyall Grant, Germany’s Peter Wittig and finally Churkin himself about the rejected amendments.

Loulichki of Morocco, stated sponsor of the draft resolution, would not answer which of the amendments had been the deal break, telling Inner City Press to ask Vitaly Churkin. As he said this, Ambassador Rice to the side of the stakeout indicated that unlike Loulichki, she would answer this.

And Rice did, referring back to Inner City Press’ question and saying

“this is to answer your question, Matt: What was unacceptable, first and foremost, was the amendments that would have rewritten the Arab League plans, both Arab League plans-the one of November 2nd, which both parties have agreed to and committed to but the Syrian government hasn’t implemented but which indeed the Russian Federation has supported…. They were also not offered during the course of the week when we were engaged in meaningful efforts at negotiations but rather at the 11th hour with a request that the vote be delayed until some indefinite point next week.”

Russia’s proposed amendment to Operative Paragraph (OP) 7 was to “eplace in lines 5-6 ‘in accordance with’ by ‘taking into account.’”

UK Ambassador Mark Lyall Grant, as transcribed by the UK Mission to the UN, said

“one of the amendments put forward by Russia this morning was to suggest watering down the demand that had been accepted by Assad three months ago to withdraw military forces from the cities on the very day when they [the Syrian regime] were using tanks and artillery to kill their people, I think was what persuaded most people that we could not wait any longer and we would have to go to a vote and that countries would have to stand and up and be counted.”

The problem is, the Russian amendment reads as follows:

Para 4 (c). Add at the end of subpara: “…in conjunction with the end of attacks by armed groups against state institutions and quarter of cities and towns”

At the stakeout, on UNTV, Inner City Press read out loud this language to Lyall Grant to get his reaction.  But in the UK Mission transcript, the question is made vague:

“Q: What was specifically unacceptable about that Russian amendment?”

Perhaps there is some protocol of changing the questions that are asked. Or, in fairness, of only transcribing the answers, while approximating the question. It made a difference in this case; a subsequent speaker hearkened back to the question that was asked of Lyall Grant, but the UK put out a transcript without the question in it. The UK transcript has Lyall Grant answer the untranscribed question:

“The suggestion was to change the sequence. That somehow the armed groups would have to withdraw first, and then the regime forces.”

Inner City Press asked, not softly, doesn’t “in conjunction” mean at the same time? But that’s not in the UK transcript.

Loulichki & Arab League, Russian amendments here (c) MRLee

When Vitaly Churkin came to the stakeout, he zeroed in on this, citing Inner City Press’ question — left untranscribed by the UK Mission — and saying that Lyall Grant misquoted his amendment. Churkin said, video here from Minute 39:30:

“where we did say that the troops must pull out of the cities in conjunction, as Matthew correctly quoted from our amendment, with a pullout of the armed groups who were trying to take control of various cities and quarters in various cities. For some reason ambassador Lyall Grant chose to tell you there was a suggestion that they should be pulling first. I have no idea where he took that from. This is the problem we face, unfortunately, in the Council. Some colleagues dealing with the media choose to present a rather bizarre interpretation of proposals made by the Russian Federation.”

Then again, Churkin also said he was puzzled at Inner City Press’ read-out of his 11 bis, “optional” amendment, “Expressing support for the broad trend of political transition to democratic, plural political systems in the Middle East.”

Some saw that as a swipe at some of the resolution’s sponsors, perhaps the same ones of whom Syrian Ambassador Bashar Ja’afari, in the chamber, accused of not allowing women to attend soccer game. (One online pundit replied, “That would be Iran.” But there are others, including US allies.)

French Ambassador Gerard Araud did not take any questions about the amendments, but said on his own that he had been willing to show flexibility and insert the word “extremist groups” for “armed groups” as those to be dissociated with. Inner City Press was ready to ask further, but it did not happen.

But Inner City Press asked German Ambassador Wittig about what Araud had said, about flexibility. Wittig replied that “we would have been lenient on one or two things.” Which ones?

A cynic — or analyst — might describe Saturday’s proceedings as theater, with some countries try to show their home audience how hard they are pushing, despite knowing the resolution would be vetoed and that Russia and China cannot really be made to feel ashamed about it.

Click here for Russia’s “Philosophy of the Veto,” as Churkin expounded to Inner City Press last week, and here for what Li Baodong told Inner City Press on February 1 about language China would and would not accept — seemingly contrary to UK Ambassador Lyall Grant’s comment that China “did not express any particular concerns about the text over several days of negotiations.”

As to the 11th hour stridency of the sponsors, one real cynical said, “Once you’ve sold out 80%, why not go to 85% to avoid the veto?”

As many asked, what next? Pushing for the Saturday afternoon vote and getting the veto, it is hard to see what the sponsors of the resolution do next.

Matthew Russell Lee| February 4, 2012 | Inner city Press|

“Nous avons mis en place un dispositif et de la logistique pour commercialiser la tablette depuis vendredi. Aujourd’hui (lundi), chacun peut l’acheter”, a déclaré à l’AFP le jeune homme de 26 ans.

La tablette est baptisée Way-C: la “lumière des étoiles”, dans un dialecte du nord-Congo. Elle mesure 19 cm de long, 17 cm de large, est épaisse de 1,2 cm et pèse 380 grammes. Sa mémoire atteint 512 Mo et elle dispose d’un système wifi intégré.

“Sur le plan technologique, cette tablette est équivalente à toutes celles qu’on trouve sur le marché”, a affirmé M. Mankou, faisant allusion à l’Ipad du géant américain de l’informatique Apple.

Son prix: 150.000 FCFA (228 euros). “Acceptable et relativement bas, par rapport à la technologie utilisée”, a indiqué l’inventeur, par ailleurs conseiller en nouvelles technologies de la communication au ministère congolais des Postes et télécommunications.

La tablette, présentée au grand public pour la première fois en septembre 2011, a été conçue au Congo mais assemblée en Chine, “pour la simple raison que le Congo ne dispose pas d’usine et pour des raisons de prix”, a-t-il ajouté.

“Elle est vendue exclusivement dans les boutiques Airtel Congo” de Brazzaville et Pointe-Noire, une société privée de téléphonie mobile filiale du groupe indien Bharti avec qui la société de M. Mankou -VMK (Vumbuka, réveillez-vous, en kituba, deuxième langue nationale)- a conclu un accord.

“Avec cette société nous avons également conclu un partenariat pour l’utilisation de la 3G parce que la tablette n’a que le wifi intégré”, a précisé l’inventeur.

Le financement du projet, né en 2006, s’élève à plus de 80 millions de FCFA (près de 122.000 euros), essentiellement apportés par VMK. La tablette doit être commercialisée dans dix pays d’Afrique de l’ouest, en Belgique, France et en Inde à compter du 15 février, selon M. Mankou. – ANP/AFP

Radio Netherlands Worldwide | February 4, 2012 | Radio Netherlands Worldwide |

Au point où, sur la pression notamment des Etats-Unis, Ouattara a accepté de voir certains de ses proches, les ex-rebelles, prendre bientôt le chemin de la Cour pénale internationale (Cpi) pour «crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanité». Selon des sources concordantes, deux patrons de l’ex-rébellion armée seraient sur la short-list tenue par Ouattara.

Il s’agit du Premier ministre, Soro Kigbafori Guillaume, secrétaire général des Forces nouvelles (ex-rébellion armée), et d’Issiaka Ouattara dit Wattao, com’zone de Séguéla et commandant en second de la Garde républicaine de Côte d’Ivoire.

Si Soro comparaitra en qualité de témoin devant la Cour pénale internationale, Wattao, quant à lui, pourrait être dans le box des accusés.

Toujours au dire de nos sources, cette information ne serait pas du goût de Soro ni de Wattao, encore moins de nombreux combattants de l’ex-rébellion armée restés fidèles à Soro.

Ils disent ne pas comprendre que seul un chef de guerre proche de Soro est dans «le collimateur de la Cpi», alors que d’autres chefs de guerre tels que Koné Zakaria et Chérif Ousmane ne sont pas concernés.

«Pourtant, leur rôle dans les massacres des populations durant la crise postélectorale n’est pas à exclure», soutient notre source. Avant d’ajouter que, pour les combattants de l’ex-rébellion proches de Soro, il s’agit «d’un complot de Ouattara» visant à «liquider» Soro et Wattao.

Assurément informé de la situation, Wattao se serait rendu à Ouagadougou, capitale du Burkina Faso (ex-base arrière de la rébellion armée), pour tenter d’exprimer sa colère au «parrain» Blaise Compaoré, a-t-on appris. A-t-il réussi ?

Nul ne le sait pour l’instant. Cependant, affirme une source proche du Rdr, une rencontre «houleuse» dite de vérité est prévue, en mars, à Ouagadougou où Alassane Dramane Ouattara effectuera, sauf changement, une nouvelle visite «d’amitié» et de «travail».

Soro, Wattao et d’autres chefs de guerre devraient prendre part à cette rencontre avec Compaoré et Ouattara pour tenter d’enterrer «la hache de guerre».

Didier Depry | 3 Février 2012| Notre Voie |

Davies Nkausu of Zambia engages in acrobatics to keep the ball from Sudan's Tahir Mohamed, in white. (Photo Courtesy Sydney Mahlangu/BackpagePix)

They now await either Ghana or Tunisia as they stay in Bata for Wednesday’s semi-final.

Goals from Stopilla, Chris Katongo and James Chamaga ensured a comfortable win.

The game started in an atmosphere more fitting a reserve league game with no more than 2,000 spectators in an empty venue with the noise of the few supporters echoing through the cavernous stadium.

It was very clear early on that Zambia would do the attacking and Sudan look to counter-attack, which had been their successful tactic in their last game against Burkina Faso on Monday.

Rainford Kalaba almost put Emmanuel Mayuka in with an inviting pass after seven minutes and in the 14th minute another inviting ball saw the Swiss-based striker force a fine save from Sudan goalkeeper Akram El Hadi Salem.

Then came the first goal from Sunzu, rising high at the near post and in front of the goalkeeper to head home Chisamba Lungu’s free kick.

It should have been 2-0 to Zambia just seconds later when Isaac Chansa delivered another inviting cross for Mayuka but both he and the Sudanese defence let the ball roll through.

A mistake in defence from Hichani Himoonde allowed Sudan their first serious effort after 20 minutes but Ahmed Bashir shot straight at goalkeeper Kennedy Mweene.

Sudan goalkeeper Salem then stopped a long-range shot from Kalaba as the first half came to an end, finishing in some controversy as Sudan were denied a legitimate looking penalty and instead Ramadan Agab picked up a booking for allegedly diving.

Bizarrely, there were two hamstring tears in the first half for both Yousef Alaeldin and Nazar Hamed, who had to be replaced.

Sudan began more brightly in the second half, with Ahmed Khalifa firing in the first effort on Zambia’s goal.

Mudather Tayeb, the two-goal hero against the Burkinabe, then fired a stinger but Mweene made the save look easy.

The first quarter-hour of the first half suddenly saw Sudan rise in confidence, but they were let down by their final pass.

Then it fell apart when Saifeldin Ali Hidris was caught by the pace of Kalaba in the penalty area and tripped him, earning his second caution of the game and an early shower, leaving Sudan down to 10 men.

Katongo took the penalty; it was well saved, only for the skipper to force the rebound home.

Chamanga came on to score the third with a well-taken curling shot four minutes from time.

Mark Gleeson | 4 February 2012 | AllAfrica |

The Ivorians could even afford to miss a penalty through Didier Drogba, though the veteran forward made up for his error with a fine solo goal later on in the first half, and then a header to complete his brace.

Yaya Toure showed why he is African Player of the Year with a stunning free kick to put the icing on the cake for Francois Zahoui’s men.

The Elephants now play the winner of Sunday’s quarter-final between Gabon and Mali in Libreville.

Cote d’Ivoire had four chances to score in a matter of seconds midway through the first half as first Gervinho, then Max Gradel, followed by Yaya Toure and Gradel again, all had efforts blocked by the scrambling Equatorial Guinea defence.

Gradel skied his second final over the bar when he really should have at least hit the target.

The Ivorians had an excellent chance to open the score after Didier Zokora was bundled over by home defender Rui as he raced on to Gradel’s pass, and referee Eddy Mallet correctly pointed to the spot.

Drogba stepped up to take the kick but his effort was saved by Equatorial Guinea goalkeeper Danilo, diving low to his right.

Didier Drogba celebrates the first goal of the quarter-final against Equatorial Guinea Barry Aldworth/BackpagePix

The Chelsea man was able to put that disappointment behind him with a fine individual effort, beating two defenders before firing low into the bottom corner of the net. Again Rui was at fault after giving up possession to Cote d’Ivoire’s leading man.

Gervinho forced a fine save from Danilo with a header in the second half though the assistant referee’s flag was up for offside in any event.

And the Arsenal man should have made it 2-0 just past the hour mark. He he raced into the box but just when he seemed set to unleash a shot, he took a heavy touch that allowed Danilo to smother the ball.

Cote d’Ivoire did get their second on 69 minutes, though, as Yaya Toure floated the free kick into the area and Drogba out-muscled his marker, Rui, to meet the ball with his head and this time leave Danilo with no chance.

Toure got the third with a super curling free kick that again left Danilo helpless and underlined the quality of this Ivorian side.

Wilfried Bony should have made it 4-0 in injury time when he missed the simplest of chances after being set up by Gervinho, but by then all the hard work had been done by the rampant Ivorians and it mattered little that he ballooned the ball over the bar.

Nick Said |4 February 2012 | AllAfrica |

He was speaking at his monthly press conference in Kigali on Thursday.

Kagame said while the Chinese donation is a welcome gift, African countries should focus on working towards economic independency that allows them to be in charge of their own affairs.

“China donated this to the continent for the use of the Continent – but it is very pathetic …the continent of Africa is very rich in terms of all kinds of resources and Africa being where it is today is a problem. May be you can see it in terms of this donation but the problem is much bigger than that..,” President Kagame said.

Unveiled in the Ethiopian capital – Addis Abbaba last week, the brown marble and glass monolith building was fully paid for by China government including office furniture.

Critics argue that the donation reflects not only reflects Africa’s inability to handle its development agenda but also say China could use it to gain greater access to Africa’s resources.

“That ( the building) is only a symptom of a much bigger problem – the problem being that Africa in my view should not be where it is today.

We need to find a way out of this – Africa we need to work hard, be smart in many ways and do things in such way that will get us out of this situation,” Mr Kagame said.

Mr Kagame further argued that for the continent to be in-charge of its affairs, it must achieve the necessary social and economic transformation from its current state.

He specifically referred to NATO involvement in the Libyan conflict as failure of the country’s leadership to address its internal issues and respond to the needs of its people.

” If we do not deal with the other issues of capacity, how we can grow our economies, work together how can we strengthen ourselves so that we can are ones to deal with our problems and speak with one voice in defence of our rights as a nation as a continent , you will continue to have these problems. We should also be able to build our resistance in relation to how well we get things done in our countries – we need to do more of the right thing … and this gives us the strength to fight any external meddling.”
Berna Namata | 2 February 2012| The Eastafrican

Le Ministre vient donc de sacrifier à l’autel de la solidarité de complicité et du soutien aux membres de la tribu la douleur de l’enfantement créatrice de notre humanité. Il n’a rien dit de nouveau que nous n’ayons déjà révélé au grand public !

Un bébé est né le 20 août 2011 à 7h43 minutes à la maternité de l’Hôpital Gynéco-Obstétrique de Ngousso, hôpital de référence si besoin est, par la qualité du personnel que des infrastructures, c’est le meilleur de notre pays.

A 14H15 minutes cet enfant est constaté volé par une infirmière qui va directement orienter les soupçons vers la grand-mère du nourrisson. Le 20 août était un samedi !

Ce bébé jusqu’ici sans visage et sans nom pour le grand public a une maman ; Vanessa Tchatchou, elle a 17 ans, s’exprime difficilement en français, comme 90% de camerounais, est de condition plus que modeste.

La fille de Vanessa a été enlevée par le personnel médical en service à l’Hôpital Gynéco-obstétrique de Ngousso ; dont un médecin et une infirmière identifiés. Le médecin en question est lui-même père de famille et travaille comme interne à Gynéco mais aussi à la Polyclinique de Tsinga en plein cœur de Yaoundé.

La douleur de l’enfantement est fondatrice de notre humanité, voilà pourquoi le kidnapping de l’enfant de Vanessa de l’Hôpital Gynéco-Obstétrique et Pédiatrique de Ngousso est l’acte le plus destructeur de la cellule famille et ne devrait laisser personne insensible et indifférent. La naissance d’un enfant un grand phare qui s’allume pour les adultes, il fait briller pour tout un chacun l’unique lumière de l’espérance et repousse les frontières de l’impossible puisqu’il permet à tout un chacun de se projeter au plus loin. La naissance d’un enfant est une aube joyeuse qui met fin pour tout homme à la longue nuit de ses incertitudes, de ses hésitations.

Mais six mois ont passé, six mois de mensonge et de torture de la fragile conscience en attente de Vanessa Tchatchou. Six mois ont passé et jour après jour le nuage de mensonge de l’administration de l’hôpital de référence de Ngousso a doublé d’épaisseur ; l’existence de la jeune maman transformée en enfer ; six mois ont passé et chacun de nous a volontairement détourné son regard hideux d’une complicité silencieuse enfin retrouvée. Oui six mois ont passé et Vanessa boit enfin jusqu’à la lie sa coupe de misère, six mois ont passé pour que Vanessa vive enfin pleinement sa condition d’orpheline de père.

La Fille de Vanessa est en vie et nous apportons notre expertise à notre gouvernement afin que l’enfant soit restitué à sa maman

L’Etat du Cameroun et son gouvernement sont notre principal allié dans cette quête de la vérité, celle qui est contraire à la communication gouvernementale faite le 2 février 2012 par son porte-parole. Nous nous mettons à la disposition de la DGRE, de la DPJ et de la Chancellerie de notre pays afin d’apporter les preuves que l’enfant recherché est bien vivant. Je demande aux médias du Cameroun et internationaux de nous apporter leur soutien. Aux populations de notre pays de ne plus se taire ! Oui, le Président de la République et la Première Dame, contrairement à ce qui est avancé par les uns et les autres n’ont jamais nommé personne pour voler les bébés, ceux qui piétinent la loi et les valeurs de la vie humaine n’ont pas leur soutien et j’entends avec votre soutien en apporter la preuve.

Le Ministre de la Communication et Porte-Parole du Gouvernement, n’a apporté aucune preuve matériel tendant à nous prouver que l’enfant de Nkoteng est la fille de Vanessa, ni test ADN, ni photographie des présumés coupables quand on sait la propension qui est celle de certains membres du gouvernement à exhiber au grand public ceux et celles qu’ils soupçonnent de délit ! Non non, plus que de l’indignation, nous devons garder notre sang froid car le combat est juste et noble.

Oui, je rêve que mes enfants, Jessy,Théry, Eithan, Annièla, puissent se promener en toute sécurité dans nos villes et campagnes sans avoir peur d’être enlevés. Je fais aujourd’hui un rêve ! C’est à vous et à nous tous de rendre ce rêve possible et vrai, transposons le dans le vécu de tous les jours.

Mon unique rêve je le fais avec vous et je le vis avec vous, laissons voler très haut nos ballons blancs de l’innocence pour qu’ils emportent au loin notre volonté de voir les pouvoirs publics parcourir les quelques kilomètres qui séparent l’Hôpital Gynéco-Obstétrique et Pédiatrique de Ngousso du domicile où est retenu cet enfant de six mois. Cet enfant est vivant plus que jamais !

Telle est mon espérance. Je sais que c’est possible si nous nous engageons fortement aujourd’hui. Un tel engagement nous a souvent manqué, pas parce que les occasions ont manqué mais simplement parce que le temps de la maturation a été long ! Faisons donc sonner la cloche qui rassemble au-delà des rivières qui nous entourent, du Mfoundi à la Mefou, soyons à la fois les pèlerins et les chantres de la justice. Elle est là devant nous, levons et tendons la main pour la cueillir et l’offrir à celui dont les pas ont faibli pendant cette longue marche. Oui chers compatriotes, sonnons aussi fort et aussi haut que possible les cloche qui annoncent la quête, la recherche et enfin la trouvaille de cet enfant. Il est là devant nous, ses pleurs ont atteint chaque cœur, chaque village, chaque hameau, chaque cité de notre pays. Hâtons-nous de remplacer ces pleurs par les cris de joie !

Dr Vincent-Sosthène FOUDA-ESSOMBA | 3 Fevrier 2012 | Ekang Media Press |

Human trafficking is the fastest growing criminal industry in the world, with annual profits exceeding that of ExxonMobil ($32 billion from sex trafficking alone). The average girl forced into prostitution is 13. Many are younger than that.

As a father, I am haunted by this thought. Even as I type, kids are being sold for sex in cities across the East–Tel Aviv, Dubai, Mumbai, Bangkok, Tokyo and Phnom Penh. In 12 hours, the same will be true in the West–Amsterdam, Rio, Toronto, Atlanta, Dallas and Portland. In the underworld, a girl is a money tree. Unlike a kilo of cocaine or a cache of AK-47s, a girl can be sold a dozen times a night for years. Siddharth Kara at Harvard estimates that a stable of four girls in a Western European apartment brothel can net a pimp an annual income of $300,000.

We in the West have a hard time believing that this is really happening, that the forcible exploitation of humans for profit is not only alive and well in the 21st century but worse than ever before. We are taught in history class that slavery ended after the Civil War. This is partially true: our ancestors defeated one incarnation of the monster. But the instinct of people to buy and sell other people for economic gain did not die with the 13th Amendment. It went underground and metastasized, waiting for conditions to ripen again. Then in the 1990s, slavery exploded into new life, fueled by globalization, the post-Cold-War economic vacuum, the Internet, and rising demand for cheap commercial sex and labor.

Four years ago, I was an attorney working in commercial litigation. If you had asked me how well I understood human trafficking, I would have told you about Svay Pak, Cambodia and the Western sex tourists who traveled there to abuse children. I would have told you about the heroic team of investigators, lawyers and social workers from the International Justice Mission working in the red light areas of India to rescue children from pimps and traffickers. But if you had asked me how well I understood the trade in the United States, I would have had little to say. Sensitive as I was to justice issues, I knew almost nothing about slavery in my own country.

The first stage of my awakening occurred in the spring of 2008. Interestingly, it was art that made trafficking personal, a film that brought it home in my heart. I started talking about it with my wife, scratching the surface of the world I thought I knew, and learning how profoundly I was in the dark. My wife’s response to trafficking was even more visceral than my own. The truth about forced prostitution (bluntly put, the serial rape of women and children for profit) touched her deeply. Not long afterward, that touch triggered an epiphany. The concept for A Walk Across the Sun was hers before it was mine.

In the beginning, I struggled with the idea. I had a mountain of student debt and a law practice to grow. I knew that to write a novel on global human trafficking I would need the help of people in places of influence and danger; I would need time to research and write; and I would need resources to travel. In the end, however, I could neither ignore the idea’s attractiveness nor deny its moral imperative. I was not in a position to rescue girls from brothels, but I could tell a story that would bring trafficking alive for readers just as a film brought it alive for me. I could lend my voice to the rising chorus of abolitionists saying: “Not in my generation.”

When I said “yes” I dived deep, immersing myself in the literature on trafficking, learning the stories of slaves, traffickers, and customers, studying the international legal landscape, interviewing activists and officials in the U.S. and Europe, and traveling to India to see the reality of trafficking on the ground. In Mumbai, I met investigators working the streets of the red light areas to collect tips about captive children. I met attorneys laboring within the justice system to prosecute pimps and brothel owners. I met social workers with the most difficult job of all–putting rescued girls on a path toward healing and reintegration.

I knew, however, that I could not take my readers inside the sex trade unless I had gone there myself. Thus, one humid night a few days before I returned to the West, I met a man outside Mumbai Central Station, only a few blocks from Kamathipura, the city’s largest red light area. The man was a friend of a friend and had offered to take me on an undercover “brothel tour.” We took a taxi to M.R. Road where we met a malik–a brothel owner–known to my guide. After some negotiation, the man led us up two flights of steps to a room outfitted with couches and a mirror. The malik locked the door, closed the blinds and brought out about eight girls. All of them were young, and all of them were scared. I did not need a psychologist to tell me that they were not free to leave.

It has been almost three years since that night, but I can still picture the faces of those girls, still remember the revulsion I felt shaking the brothel owner’s hand after I declined to make a purchase. I am haunted by the truth of slavery because I have seen it with my own eyes. I wrote A Walk Across the Sun to bring that truth alive for people like me, people who might prefer to believe that slavery is dead, or at least confined to dark alleys in the developing world. Human trafficking spans the globe, and so does my story–sweeping the reader from Mumbai to Paris to New York and Atlanta and revealing the many dimensions of the trade. The story is honest; it is hard-hitting, and based on the best research available. But–and this is critical–it is neither overwhelming nor grim. A Walk Across the Sun is a story of hope.

Hope, you say? How can you be hopeful after all you have seen? The answer is written in the pages of our history. However powerful and pervasive it may be, slavery is no more inevitable now than it was in the 1850s. But we cannot expect to counter a $32-billion-a-year industry without a massive society-wide effort. To vanquish this incarnation of the monster, we must pool our talents and resources, petition our elected officials to turn the millions in our war chest into billions, and commit ourselves to the cause of freedom for as long as it takes to win. It may take a generation, but it can be done. The only question is whether we have the courage to say “yes.”

Corban Addison | February 2, 2012 | Huffpo |

Author, Corporate Lawyer

Les statistiques ont établi qu’avec le trafic d’enfants le Cameroun fait désormais face à un phénomène préoccupant avec plus de 4000 enfants victimes d’abus sexuels d’après une étude du Centre international pour la promotion de la création(Cipcré) à Yaoundé.

Sketchs, Chants venus du fonds de leurs cœur étaient présentés hier à l’hôtel Hilton à Yaoundé pour le cours du lancement officiel de la campagne de plaidoyer contre la traite des enfants à des fins d’exploitation sexuelle initiée par le Cercle international pour la promotion de la création (Cipcré), à travers la coalition «Protégeons nos enfants». C’était une manière pour ces enfants d’apporter leur pierre dans la lutte contre ce phénomène qui les touche. Ce sont des enfants camerounais et aussi ceux des pays voisins (Nigeria, Tchad et Congo) qui sont ensuite expédiés «dans les quartiers chics de l’Europe et même du moyen Orient, à travers un réseau bien établi», assure
Amely-James Koh Bela, écrivaine camerounaise qui milite depuis une dizaine d’années contre ce phénomène, André Marie Talla, artiste et parrain de l’évènement était aussi présent.

La législation camerounaise notamment la loi n° 2005/015 du 29 décembre 2005 relative à la lutte contre le trafic et la traite des enfants établit l’illégalité du phénomène, elle sanctionne les auteurs, coauteurs et complices des infractions liées à l’exploitation sexuelle des enfants. Son chapitre 2 prévoit des peines d’emprisonnement allant de 5 à 20 ans et des amendes allant de 10.000 à 10.000.000 Fcfa pour les coupables. Pourtant le phénomène est en pleine croissance au Cameroun, 36% des victimes ont moins de 13 ans. Le Révérend Jean-Blaise Kenmogne, directeur général du CIPCRE par ailleurs porte parole de « la Coalition protégeons » nos enfants explique que les 336 enfants réellement comptabilisés chez 336 patrons ont affirmé travailler à 5, voire 15 pour le même employeur. 30% de ces enfants sont de sexes masculins ce qui les expose à l’exploitation homosexuelle.

Les résultats de l’enquête soulignent que ces victimes viennent aussi bien du Cameroun (37,9%) que des pays voisins tel le Nigeria qui contribue à hauteur de 1,2% contre 0,6% pour le Congo Brazzaville et 0,3% pour le Tchad. Le phénomène reste mal connu en raison du flou entretenu par les ravisseurs et leurs complices. Ces enfants sont utilisés dans les hôtels, motels, auberges, circuits, bars, etc. Transformées en machines à sexe, ils travaillent sept jours sur sept rapportent chaque jour 12.millions de Fcfa à leurs ravisseurs.

Au terme de l’étude, les enquêteurs recommandent outre la sensibilisation, de dénoncer et punir ; accompagner les victimes de la traite, renforcer le cadre juridique.

Lire aussi cet article publié en 2005: Cameroun: Un plaque tournante pour le trafic d’enfants

SALMA AMADORE | 23 Juillet 2010 |

A few weeks ago, Namibia, one of Burkina Faso’s opponents during the qualifiers for the 28th edition of the ACN Orange 2012, had voiced reservations about the eligibility of Hervé Zengue, a defender of Cameroon origin, to play for Burkina Faso. In order to avoid an uncomfortable standoff in the midst of the competition, Paulo Duarté, the Stallions’ coach did not select Zengue for his squad in the end.

In contrast to Hervé Zengue, other players of Cameroon extraction had a luckier draw

Like William Ngounou Tonji, defending in Niger’s Mena national team. Admittedly, the national squad, caught in a crisis of technical supervision, did not manage to get past the first round. However, its center forward, a member of the If Linhamn Bunkeflo team in the Swedish First Division, scored a goal during the tournament.
other players have been even more fortunate, since they are living some unforgettable moments in the history of their national squad.

This is particularly true of Equatorial Guinea, which is taking part in this tournament for the first time, exempt from the qualifying stages since it is a joint organizer. Thierry Fidjeu Tazemeta, Doualla Vieira Ellong and Narcisse Ekanga thus managed to qualify for this team’s quarter-final squad.

Narcisse Ekanga Amia is well known for wearing the Indomitable Lions’ colors in the youth, junior and A categories. The midfielder, who can also act as an attacker, is currently clubless, after a stint at the all-powerful Mazembe, the club of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It looks likely that after this ACN Orange 2012 tournament, Narcisse Ekanga Amia will not be short of work.

There are five players from Cameroon in Gabon’s Panthers. They include goalkeepers Yves Stéphane Bitseki Moto and captain Didier Ovono Ebang. Not forgetting Bruno Ecuele Manga, the FC Lorient defender (League 1 club in France). The same can be said of Charly Moussono Moussono, defender at Libreville’s Missile FC and midfielder André Biyogo Poko. As for Mingo Bilé, an Angolan player taking part in CAN Orange 2012, it seems very likely that he is also of Cameroon origin.

Alongside the players, there is also Cameroon’s trio of referees, made up of Alioum at the center, with his first assistant Evarist Menkouande and his second assistant, Moussa Yanoussa.

Priscille G. Moadougou | February 2, 2012 | Orange |